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•:M>uBETtrE; SPIRIT OtV-THE ORGANIC LAW; RESTRICT THE 
"' FEDERAL POWER; EXALT STATE SOVEREIGNTY. 

SPEECH 

OF 

HON. J. MOWDELL, OF ALABAMA. 

DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 2, 1859. 



The House being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and having under 
consideration the President's Annual Message — 

Mr. DOW^DELL rose and said : 

Mr. Chairman : I do not intend to discuss, at this time, the subject of the 
tariff; nor to reply at length to the ingenious and able argument of the gentle- 
man from Pennsylvania, [Mr. Morris,] who has just taken his seat. I deny the 
constitutional power of this Government to impose any duty for protection 
He takes the power for granted, and endeavors to show, by an able review of the 
past policy of this and other countries, that a tariff for protection is highly expe- 
dient; and that it not only benefits the manufacturer, but after a series of years 
will cheapen the price of the protected articles to the consumers. In the course 
of his remarks, he says : 

" I challenge tlie advocates of free trade to prodwce a single article which has had the benefit of protection for 
a series of years, that has not fallen greatly in price. Instead of protective duties enhancing the cost of fabrics, 
they have everywhere, in the United States and iu Europe, been the certain and only reliable means of insuring 
its abatement." 

Now, Mr. Chairman, is it not a little strange that the great agricultural and 
laboring classes of this country, who consume the greater part of these protected 
articles, have not before this time discovered the truth of this proposition, and 
been befor(^ Congress with petitions for higher duties ? Is it not still more strange 
that the protected classes, whose manufactures are thus reduced ia price, have 
been ^e only people who clamor for high tariffs? But, in answer to the chal- 
lenge to the friends of free trade, I can give him a class of property of no little 
value, which has for a ** series of years" — yes, sir, for fifty years — b'een protected 
against foreign competition to the point of prohibition, and has all the time, aside 
from temporary fluctuations caused by derangements iu the currency, steadily in- 
creased in price hundreds per cent. I allude to the slave property of the South, 
now worth $2,000,000,000. Is not this a case in point? 

But, Mr. Chairman, I will dismiss this subject for the present, and proceed to 
the consideration of another, which I deem no less important at this juncture of 
affairs, and to which I desire to call the attention of the committee and of the 
country. Sir, after a careful examination and close study of the principles and 
objects of the Republican party, as I find them embodied in their platform and the 
speecTies of their leading statesmen, and especially in the late speech of the Senator 
from New York, [Mr. Seward,] delivered at Rochester, I feel it to be my duty 
once more to warn the Souti of the approach of her enemies. These indications 
are unmistakable of a fixed purpose, and a fell design to crush our institutions 
whenever opportunity offers for a successful assault, and accumulating power 
gives strength for the onset. It matters not that such principles are at war with 
the spirit of the fathers which brought our Government into being; nor that their en- 
forcement will destroy.the peace of the country and subvert the temple of American 
liberty; onward to the death, is their motto, though fire and sword should clear 
the way to the goal of unhallowed ambition, and blood and bones mark the track 

T. MeGiLL, Print. 



/ -^ c^ 



27f 



of the destroyer. Are these the sentiments of a majority of the northern people'/ 
This is a pregnant question. Upon the fact hangs the destiny of the Piepublic. 
If not now in the ascendant, are they likely to control the northern mind :* 

The steady increase of power which has marked every step of the party hostile 
to s(mthern institutions, under whatovcr name for the time bt-ing it assumed; the 
unflagging zeal which animated them, and the persistent efforts which have been 
constantly put forth, not only by its leaders, but by the whole party, on every 
occasion and in every conceivable way, to arrest, embarrass, weaken, and hem in 
slavery, should warn the South of danger, and arouse our people throughout the 
country to the magnitude of iupending calamities. Sir, 1 had occasion, during 
the last session, to call the attention of this House to the subject, and to invoke the 
reflecting and conservative men of the North to a consideration of the measures of 
public policy, which in my judgment, were then demanded to prevent sectional 
collisions, which would certainly result in a dismemberment of the Confederacy. 
Subsequent elections throughout the North, disastrous as they were to the Demo- 
cratic party, have served to confirm mc in the opinions then entertained, and, I 
trust, have furnished evidence sufficient to remove doubts from the minds of all, 
about the propriety of providing additional guarantees protective of the rights 
and interests of the minority. 

We of the South can no longer rely solely upon national party organizations 
for safety. Some more sure and powerful agency must be brought into operation 
to perpetuate the Government, and protect our institutions. The spirit of fanati- 
cism, in its career to full and desolating dominion, has hitherto defied all the re- 
straints which Christain association, civil and political affinities, imposed; and now 
is "like the deaf adder that stoppeth her ear; which will not hearken to the voice 
of charmers, charming never so wisely." The Democrats of the North have 
fought long and well for constitutional equality, and manfully rolled back the 
tide of oppression which threatened to sweep over the constitutional barriers around 
the minority section. But they, too, have been stricken down ; and now, no hope 
remains for the country, ^avc in a prompt and radical amendment of the organic 
law. Outside of the time-honored party, no hand is left which we can grasp with 
the cordiality of friendship. They, however, though few in numbers,*and bereft 
of political power, still furnish the strongest incentives to union, if we can agree 
upon a basis of government gaurantying to each and all security against oppi^ssion. 

But let us look to the principles and objects of the llepublican part}-, which 
is now the controlling organization in almost the entire North. The Senator 
from New York, after laying down the postulate that the two .system of labor, 
North and South, are "incongruous and incompatible," and that "they cannot ex- 
ist permanently in one country," and affirming that "no aristocracy of slavehold- 
ers shall ever make the laws of the land in wliich I shall be content to live," goes 
on to say that the policy and designs of the slaveholding South is to establish 
slavery in every State in the Union ; and that the Democratic party is, and has 
been, a faithful ally, to carry out the scheme ; and to escape such a result there 
is left "only one way, the Democratic 2^i:fi't>/ must he permanently disluchjed from 
the Governmrnt." The reason is "that the Democratic party is iuextricablj^com- 
mitted to designs of the slaveholders which I have described." And further, 
"it is high time for the friends of freedom to rush to the rescue of the Constitu- 
tion, and that their very first duty is to diamisa the Democratic party from the 
administration of the Government." And still further, he says : 

'• Kvcry one known that it is tho I'opubliean party, or none, tliat shall liisplaoo the Dcniocrntic party. Pnbser- 
Tloncy to Hluvcry is a law wrillvn not only on Ihr lorclicnil of tlic Democratic party, but also on its very soul ; eo 
retislance to slavery, anil (tevotion to freedom, the popular elements now actively workinj; for tho Uepubliran 
party luiioug tbe people, vtii.it tnid vilt tn- the re.soureeg foritsever-rencwinii strenjrtli and constant InTii^ontiou." 
• • • • " I know that the Keniocratic party must )io down, and tiie Uepubliran party must rise into its 
place." • • « ♦ " It has already won advunlages which rouJor that triumph now both easy 

and certain." 

Sir, no higlitr eulogium can be pnssed upon the Democratic party than is to be 
found in the bitter invectives of the Senator, And this onslaught is made upon 



that time-honored orgauization, because, by contending for the equality which a 
common Constitution recognizes, it has been found on the side of the South, whose 
people never demanded any thing but her rights under that instrument. In the opin- 
ion of the Senator, that party now proudly stands the only barrier between fanati- 
cism and its cherished object — the entire overthrow and subjugation of the South. 
To clear the pathway of the Republican party to power, it must be " (h'slodjed." 
And to encourage the Free-Soil army to the attack upon the strong hold of the 
friends of the Constitution, the Senator endeavors to inspire faith and boldness 
in his followers, by the positive declaration, " I know that the Democratic party 
must go down, and the Republican party must rise into its place." " Fore- 
warned, forearmed," is an old adage by which we intend to profit. Let not that 
Senator, nor his followers, flushed with the prospect of easy triumph, plume them- 
selves upon their superior numbers, when they have " dislocljed the Democracy/," 
and dream that the battle has been fought and won. There still remains a cita- 
del untaken, manned by southern braves, which will defy your legions, and 
" laugh at the shaking of a spear." You cannot quench the spirit of liberty. 
You may succeed in conquering the Democratic party; but on that victory your 
glory will culminate. " Canst thou draw out leviathan with a hook ?" '' Lay 
thy hand upon" the South; " remember the battle; do no more." 

Sir, I deny that the interests of the two sections are necessarily incompatible. 
The very contrariety in pursuits and productions, which exists in the different 
sections of the country, constitutes a strong bond of Union; our natural depend- 
ence on each other for commercial prosperity and national security is the laneuao'e 
of Providence, designed to make us love, instead of hate each other. No'thin'^ 
but the wicked spirit of fanaticism, at war with all that is good and right and 
peaceable, can disturb our harmony. And when that Senator asserts, in the 
words of Napoleon, applied to Europe, that "it must be either all Cossack or all 
Republican," to illustrate the antagonism between the slaveholding and non- 
slaveholding States of this Union, he but publishes the desire of his own heart 
to destroy the institutions of the South. No one knows better than he does, that 
not a man in the South ever thinks of extending African Slavery over the north- 
ern States. He has not the remotest idea of any attempt by the South to do 
this. What, then, is the meaning of the declaration, unless it bo that this coun- 
try must become "all Republican ?" That slavery must be abolished when the 
Democratic party shall have been dislodged, and the republican party installed 
into power ? Sir, the Democratic party has aided the South only in standing by 
the Constitution, which recognizes and protects her rights. Is it for this that it 
must be dislodged and dismis&jd from' power ? In the opinion of that Senator, 
and the party for which he speaks, is the Constitution pliant to their purposes ? 
Is there no regard for that solemn compact ? Is the Democratic party the only 
obstacle in their way to full dominion and universal emancipation ? 

Such, sir, appears to be the opinion of the leaders of the Republican party. 
Whilst this truth furnishes to the South strong motives to cherish and maintain 
the Democratic organization, thus assaulted by her enemies, at the same lime it 
should warn us to look well to our other defenses; for parties, however pure in 
professions and principles, are swayed by the power of popular passions, and ebb 
and flow with the certainty, if not with the regularity, of the tides of the ocean. 
When a sound and healthy public opinion exists, they can develop and embody 
the purposes of the majority, and contribute to the growth and glory of the coun- 
try. But they will be found unequal to the task of protecting minorities for any 
long period of time. When needed most, then are they ever the weakest. So 
soon as public opinion and sentiment cease to be morally sound and healthy, a 
pure party goes into a minority and becomes useless for defense, and powerless to 
uphold a government. At this point the necessity arises for further distribution 
of power by consmutional compact, and such veto reservations to the weaker 
section as may enable i^ to check the inroads which every majority will sooner or 



later make upon the rights of the iniuoritj. iS\r, New York has spoken through 
her great loader, who utters the voice of a majority of her people, " that this 
country must be all Hcpublican." What say the New England States? A true 
exponent of their faith and principles, [3Ir. Washburn,] lately said, in this House, 
on the subject of our common Territories : 

" The Uepulilican party affirms that neprro fervitude is a deadly blight upon the social and economical condi- 
tion of a couotrv. Hene« it follows irresistiljly, that whenever the members of this party have the power to 
inhibit it, it is their duty to exorcise that power. Cont^resg can keep it from a Territory if it will pass a law for 
Its exclusion ; and from the State to be formed out of such Territory ; for in no community, from which slavery 
is excluded till it becomes a State, will it ever be subsetiuently established." 

How stands the case in the Northwest ? Let the senior member from Ohio 
[Mr. GiDDiNGs] speak for his party : 

" The gulf that separates the Republican and Democratic parties is broad and deep ; one reafioning and actin;; 
for freedom, the other for slavery, it becomes impossible for them to a?ree on any collateral question." • • 
• * " There is no neutral ground between right and wrong, between liberty and slavery." 

To these representative opinions may be added what the Republican party puts 
forth in its general platform : 

"*Iieso2vefI, That the constitution confers upon Conjrress sovieiffn power over the Territorie-i of the Cuitod 
6tate3 for their government; and that, in the exercise of this power, it is both the right and duty of Congress to 
prohibit in the Territories those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy and slavery." 

Now, sir, I have given the.se few extracts from different portions of the North 
to show that they all agree : First, that the Democratic party, which they con- 
sider an ally of .slavery, ^^ shall he dbJodijed." Second, that, in comp»lete posses- 
sion of the uon-slavcholding States, they will have power suiHcient to control the 
legislation of Congress ; and when fully installed and firmly fixed in power they 
will use it to the destruction of slavery. They do not propose directly to meddle 
with the institution in the States, but will first confine it to the present area, by 
excluding it from all the common Territories. This having been done, they will 
then prohibit the trade between the States. Then will follow its inhibition along 
the coast. Next, its abolition in the District, navy, and doek-3'ards, &c. During 
the time of these operations, by protective tariffs and high duties, discriminating 
against slave products, they will gather the profits of slave labor, and squander the 
legitimate fruits of our industry upon multiplied objects of improvement in their 
own section, until the institution, completely depressed and depleted, will fall an 
easy prey to their designs. 

This is the programme of the Republican party. That it will be carried out, 
fully and speedily, I have not a doubt, unless resistance be made promptly and 
firmly at every point. Knowing as I do the southern people ; their intelligence, 
patriotism, and temper ; their ability to maintain their rights, and their nerve to 
repel aggression, come from what quarter it may, I must conclude that the cen- 
tralization of political power in the Federal Government, by a comhlnatlon of 
the free States, will not enable them to accomplish their purpose set forth, but will 
certainly produce collisions between the sections disastrous to the peace of the Union . 

Let us for a moment suppose that this feeling at the North, inimical to slavcrv, 
has been stimulated by hypocritical leaders, with a view to consolidate their 
strength, and to get power, rather than with any ulterior design of actual aboli- 
tion ; still, I must believe that the masses, whose minds have been excited and 
passions inflamed against us with the zeal of honesty, will pursue their purpose 
to its accomplishment. No human ability will be strong enough to suppress the 
agitation, or to direct the whirlwind, which drives to the complete demolition of 
the object of their hatred. The masses of the North, taught to believe that 
southern pro.'jperity is their loss, and that the destruction of African labor would 
enhance the profits of white labor, together with that fanatical religious class 
^ho believe that enmity to slavery is friendship with God, would not rest con- 
tent with the mere honors of office ; but, once in power, will demand the fulfillment 
f>f their expectations in the total destruction of the institution of slavery. 

For the last eight years, the Government has been in the possession of the 
ijou-8laveholding States of the I'liiuu, every departnient of it; and nothing but 



5 

the conservative position of the Democratic party, which has controlled it during 
the time, has prevented aggressive legislation of the most odious and oppressive 
character. Gradually, hut surely, the Free-State party has been growing, until 
every power of the Federal Government is almost within its grasp. Every 
election at the North demonstrates the weakness of the friends of the Constitu- 
tion. The time is not far distant when the experiment will be made, whether the 
Government can be administered in that spirit of justice and equity which has 
hitherto blessed our people, and promoted and prospered the institutions of all 
parts of the country. That it cannot be done without a wise distribution of 
power, so as to produce an equilibrium between the various conflicting interests, 
or at least attain a safe approximation to an equipoise, the history of all Govern- 
ments clearly teaches. 

A combination between the uon-slaveholding States, by which all the depart- 
ments of the Government are secured and its powers completely centralized, has 
defeated the intention of the framers of our Constitution, and rendered the divi- 
sion of power provided in that instrument comparatively useless. It is true that 
we have a President armed with the conservative veto to check unwholesoiLiO legis- 
lation; but this ofl&ce can be controlled by the cGinhination. It is true we have 
a Senate equalizing the powers of the respective States and a check upon popular 
passion ; but that body can be controlled by the combination. It is true that we 
have a House of Representatives to speak for a majority of the people of the 
States, but that body can be controlled by the comhination. The Supreme Court, 
organized for life, or during good behavior, and thus in a groat degree made in- 
dependent and free from all^ party prejudices, surely is a safeguard to the Con- 
stitution ? But a threat has already been made to reorganize this august tribunal, 
and it can and will be controlled by the comhination. 

Thus it will at once be seen that, whilst all the forms of the Constitution are 
left, the substance of the original compact can be destroyed. The Government 
has ceased to be what it was in the beginning — a Government of divided powers, 
with its wise system of checks and balances — and is but little removed from 
that consolidated state which amounts to a complete revolution, and v.nli surely 
lead to a centralized despotism. He is, indeed, a dreamer, who imagines that the 
rights of the States can be secure, or that civil liberty can long survive in such a 
state of afiairs. These evils must be remedied forthii-ifJi,. There is not a moment 
to be lost in the effort to restore the Constitution to its pristine vigor and purity. 
In the present calm of the public mind, a short pause in popular passion and 
sectional strife, the twilight hour before the darkness comes on, let us recur to 
first principles, and summon all our strength ia the last attempt to save tlie 
liberties which our Union was formed to foster and secure. 

Perhaps I shall be told that we are safe from the aggressions of Federal povver, 
because of the barriers which State sovereignty erects around the reserved rights 
of the States ; that these cannot be encroached upon without a palpable violation 
of the Constitution and assumption of despotic power which no party would at- 
tempt. Let it be remembered that the tyrant stealthily, like the tiger, approaches 
his pre}' until within reach, when, throwing all reserve away, he springs suddenly 
upon the object of desire. These barriers, however sacred, and, in a well-bal- 
anced organization, however strong, will prove ineffectual against the comhination 
which I have described ; and like the other defenses, would either yield to the swol- 
len current of usurpation, or, by firm resistenee, produce the collision which con- 
stitutions and compacts were made to avoid. Hence, the conclusion is inevitable 
that without additional checks to Federal power, our present system, when the 
Government shall have passed into the hands of the combined majority section, 
will result in collisions and revolutions totally incompatible with the integrity of 
the Government. Nothing now prevents this catastrophe but the national Demo- 
cratic party. And shall we longer risk ourselves and hold the rights and libertiea 
of our people upon a tenure so frail ? What assurance have we that any mere 



6 

party organization will last a twelve month ? And if it should last, who can pre- 
dict its change of policy ? Something more stable than mere voluntary orgnni- 
zations, liable to be " tossed to and fro, and carried about with every wind of doc- 
trine," is demanded for permanent safety. The Constitution points to the remedy 
in that wise provision for its own amendment, contained in the fifth article : 

" The Conpross, whenever two-thirda of l)oth House; sliall deem it )iecfssari/,!'ha\l propose amendments to this 
Constitution; or, on the application of tlie Lej^ishitures of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a convention 
for proposini; amendments : whirh, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes as part of this Con- 
stitution, when ratified by the l.ejfislatures of tliree-fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three- 
fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratifloatiou may be proposed by the Congress."' 

The framers of this great instrument did not anticipate, whilst multiplying 
checks, and distributing power into several departments with a view to guard 
against centralization, that from an unseen source a monsttr would so soon spring 
forth to grasp all the departments, and wield undivided power to the destruction 
of liberty; that legislative, executive and judicial functions would, by a comhina- 
tion of jSiatrs, be absorbed by one section, and directed with one will. But, 
guided by a wisdom beyond their abilities, and in the exercise of a prudence be- 
5'ond their forecast, our fathers inserted the clause above quoted, leaving to their 
descendants the duty to watch the encroachments of tyranny, and, by timely 
amendment of their work, to provide other safeguards when needed for the preser- 
vation of the great principles which this Confederacy of States was made to pro- 
tect and perpetuate. The Constitution was ordained by the sovereign parties to 
the compact as a safe rule of action for majorities in exerci.^^ing the powers of 
Government, not to infringe the rights of minorities or individuals. It does not 
rerjuire the unanimous voice of the people in the passage of a law which would be 
the perfection of government, but approximates to universal consent, in the system 
which it adopts requiring concurring majorities. 

Experience has taught us that wo must approximate nearer still the general 
consent, in legislating for the country, by interposing other checks to the power 
of simple majorities, or the rights of the minority will be endangered. The con- 
current majority of the States^ and of the people of the States, as expressed in 
the choice of the President, possesses now the right in the exercise of the Execu- 
tive veto, to demand for the passage of a law the concurrent majority of two-thirds 
of the members of the Senate and House of lleprcsentatives. Now, I believe, 
if a veto power was by an amendment of the Constitution given to each sovereign 
State when in a legal convention of its people, applicable to all Federal acts, 
judged by the State to be injurious to its rights, and all laws thus vetoed to be 
null until restored by the concurrent majority of two-thirds of the Federal Leg- 
islature, a sufficient guarantee would be aiforded to insure the minority against 
usurpation, and would still preserve in the majority legi.<Iative power equal to all 
the neces.^ary wants of a just Government. 

This negative power in the possession of each State ■wouid not only impart feelings of 
greater security, but wouKl, bj' preventing partial and unwholesome legislation, keep the 
General (ioverament in the path of right and justice, and instill a love for the (jovorninent 
and intensify a patriotism which would make our sj'stcm at once ii\destructil)le and invinci- 
ble. Nor need we apprehend that this power wotild ever bo perverted from its true inten- 
tion, and employed on trivial occasions, for in its exercise the dignity of the State would 
be involved; besides the expense and solemnitj' of tlie convocation of the sovereign people 
■would confine its use only to the most urgent and important objects. There is not the 
slightest danger that the General Government would be brought to a dead lock, as some 
suppose, and cease its legislative functions. Our cumnion necessities and the general 
welfare would force the passage of all laws promotive of the interests of all sections, and 
such other measures as might be beneiicial to particular parts, without detriment to the re- 
mainder. It would certaiidy prohibit all special and partial legislation, and for this reason 
ought to commend itself to every just nund. We shoidd not perish for the need of laws. Let no 
man fear that. Under the present system we are surfeited near unto death with the abundance 
of statutes. Our State governments would be found equal to all our necessities in this regard, 
for the preservation of essential rights, and the promotion of industrial prosperity. And 
even should eveiy act of the General Government be met by a veto, two-thirds of each bodj' 
would never fail to agree up. n such measures of general utility as the legitimate operations 



of the Goverument might iIpmauiL But, in a very large majority of all the acts passed, 
there -would be no veto. The great difficulty and expense attending the exercise of this con- 
servative power, would certainly confine it to great and grave questions ; which would seldom 
arise, when the Government agents were cognizant of the fact that there was a power over 
them to review their acts and bring their measures to the scrutinizing test of a concurrent 
two-thirds majority. But how shall this reform be eflfected ? Is it practicable? This 
question I propose to answer. There are two ways pointed out, in the clause of the Con- 
stitution cited, by which this amendment may be made. 

1. Congress, by a two-thirds vote, may propose amendments for the ratification of the 
States, three-fourths of which have the power to adopt. 

2. The application of two-thirds of the States, through their Legislatures, can compel 
Congress to call a convention to propose amendments, which will be adopted upon the rati- 
fication of three-fourths of the State Legislatures or conventions. The first plan I believe 
impracticable ; and hence have made no move in pursuance of it. In the second way 
stated, I believe the amendment which I have suggested to be feasible. 

The absolute necessity for such an amendment, or some similar provision, makes it in 
my judgment, practicable. There is no use in disguising the fact, for every reflecting mind 
knows, that we have either to amend our Government, submit to oppression, or prepare 
ourselves for the calamity of dissolution. For one, I feel, and must believe, that the revo- 
lutionary blood, which animated our fathers in the great conflict of 177C, courses too freely 
and warmly in their children's veins to submit to oppression. Our love of country ; a cher- 
ished inheritance, purchased by the joint struggles, and bequeathed by a kindred ancestry, 
whose precious blood commingled in the sacrifice of their lives for its attainment, calls 
aloud unto their sons to presei-ve it, and makes us all desire to cherish its integrity, and 
hand it down, with undiminii-hed glory, to our children's children — to the latest generation. 
This inevitable resistance to oppression on the one hand, and, on the other, this universal 
love for the stars and stripes as they float upon land and sea, proud emblems of liberty, 
point unerringly to that amendment of our system which will avoid the first alternative, and 
secure the blessings of the other to us and our children. 

Let then, the States of the minority section, in the true spirit of patriotism, set forth 
their grievances with earnestness ; and with the gravity due to the importance of the sub- 
ject, call upon the majority section to consider of an amendment of the Constitution, so as 
to effectually guard them against oppression ; and without harshness, as a matter of State 
policy and safety, demand additional guarantees ; and with firmness make such amend- 
ment a condition of longer continuance in the Union. And who will assert that such a propo- 
sition will not be met by the great conservative portion of the North in the spirit of kind- 
ness? There is nothing sectional in the amendment proposed. It only depresses the Fed- 
eral power, and elevates the State, without regard to locality. It magnifies the municipal, 
but at the same time strengthens the federative organization. Unless our people are mad, 
and bent on self-destruction, they will hesitate long, and consider well, before they reject 
a plan of settlement, which, while it can injure no interest, is so full of peace and promise 
to our country. 

The one f/r eat object of our Constitution was to divide and distribute the powers of Gov- 
ernment in such manner as to prevent centralization, which ever has been and ever will 
prove despotic, be the form of government whatever it may. In despite of all our safe- 
guards, this centralization has taken place, in the combination of Slates before alluded to; 
"and now we shall feel its tyrannical hand, with its bitter fruits of oppression and revolution, 
unless, in the spirit of the fathers who made the compact, and with the wisdom which 
then guided them, we shall, by timely amendment and a farther distribution of power, re- 
store the lost equilibrium, compose the disturbing elements, and bring back the Government 
to its true principles Let this be done; let each State be accorded the political power of 
self-protection ; and minorities, however small and weak, be made to feel secure in their rights, 
and all sectional jealousies and strifes would cease ; because no section however large, 
would have the power, without the consent of the minority, to pass a law injurious to its 
interests. The growing power at the North would no longer awaken fears in the South 
that it would be used for the destruction of southern property ; nor would the expansion of 
the South be any longer used by northern demagogues to frighten the unsophisticated 
masses into the belief that we designed establishing slavery in all the States. All sectional 
questions would be banished from the Halls of Congress, and each and every part of this 
great country would be left free to pursue its own policy, enjoy the rewards of its own vir- 
tues, and be subject to the penalties of its own sins. 

Under the present system, with all the departments of Government, in the power, and 
nearly in the hands of one section, with well-grounded apprehension on the part of the 
other that the Government will be perverted and used to its injury, we are not only retarded 
in the development of our internal resources, but will soon become, in consequence of these 
unnatural antagonisms, the prey to foreign intrigue and ambition. Our country must 
expand ; the Anglo-Saxon race, with its intelligence, thrift, and moral virtues, will go to 



iiie tcriiie liUiJs anil misgoverned States south of U3. Bj' contiguity amJ r.ntr.ral r.ccctsiiv. 
these neighboring provinces belong to our civilization, and will embrace our ideas of repre- 
sentative and republican government. Sir, uo foolish stipulations with foreign Govern- 
ments, binding us down to prescribed limits, can repress our energies, or jirevent our 
expansion. We will preserve the national faith ; but, whilst scrupulously observing our 
engagement?, we will see well to it that no more manacles, such as the Clayton-Bulwer 
blunder imposes, shall be put upon our limbs. That fruitful source of our present entangle- 
ments in Central American affairs, must be removed ; steps should be immediately taken 
to abrogate that abominable treaty. I am glad, that by a joii>t resolution before Congress, 
the attention of the country has been called to it, and 1 trust that the voice of condemna- 
tion will be full and emphatic. 

Sir, the hearts of our people responded to the Monroe doctrine when first announced, 
and will continue to demand a policy which prohibits lluropean interference with the affairs 
of this continent. Our duty and our destiny re<iuire us to keep free from foreign compli- 
cations, and to regulate and adjust our balances in accordance with American ideas and 
institutions. All eyes are now turned, with intense curiosity, to the Gulf of Mexico and 
the Caiibbean sea. The boarding of our vessels, and the vigilant police exerted in inter- 
cepting our emigrants to those States, invests the whole subject with peculiar importance 
to the iSouth. Nor is tlie apparent good understanding between our own and the British 
Government, and the harmonious co-operation observed in the rigid execution of our neu- 
trality laws, at all calculated to allay suspicions, and quiet sectional jealousies. I roust 
confess, thsit I regai'd the pending negotiations in Central America with great distrust ; 
and have no faith that American interests will be promoted by the mission of Sir William 
Gore Ouscley. We shall never become, with my consent, a party to any settlement which 
allows the slightest interference, on the part of foreign Governments, with the States south 
of us; and he mistakes the character of our people Avho supposes that, under any circum- 
stances, they will ([uietly abide such a result. We intend to hold this, and all succeeding 
Administrations, to a strict observance of these conditions, be the consequences what they 
may. Nothwitlistanding our sectional bickerings, I trust that homogeneousncss in national 
interests will be sufficient to make the Monroe doctrine the positive policy of oxir country 
for all time to come. 

But, sir, all our eectional difficulties would be harmless, and all obstacles to our expan- 
sion, norllnvard and southward, would be removed, were our system of government s<; 
amended that in no contingency could the Federal power be controlled by simple majorities, 
and perverted to the detriment of the raiuority. Were the great laws of true Republicanism 
allowed to have free scope — which protect each community in the enjoyment of its own 
rights — and which leave each local government undisturbed to judge and adopt its own line 
of poli':'y, with no restraints or encouragem.ents, other than the law which profit and loss 
impose, wo might confidently hope to plant our institutions in all latitudes. The contest 
between free labor and slave labor would no longer obstruct our progress; each system 
would cherish profits and abhor losses, and, governed by the law of climate and production, 
would regulate itself in accordance with the true interests of all. Interference by one sec- 
tion or St<;tc with the internal aft'airs of another, would net be ventured ; for the recogni-icd 
independence of each would contribute to the union and indcpeudenee of all. There would 
be no more combinations against each other; but, as It should be, one grand comlnnation 
of confederated States against the despotisms of the world. Our borders would be enlarged 
in accorilance with the necessities of an increasing population. And the spirit of liberty, em- 
anating from our great and high example, like lines of light from the sun in his strength, 
would stream out upon the nations and prepare them for a conquest wherein captive and 
conqueror could alike rejoice together. Cuba would soon be oui-s by her own consent, 
without money and without price. Mexico would plant her stars upon the blue field of our 
flag, and t!ie small but beautiful States of Central America would sparkle on the same canopy. 

Mr. Chairman, tiiis is not a picture of fancy. Nothing but our vices will prevent its real- 
ization. Our own divisions may check our progress. The armies of the world cannot do it. 
I,et us be at peace with each other, and crowned heads and their cohorts would pass away 
like chaff before the '-rushing, mighty wind" of freedom. Plots and counterplots, diplo- 
matic intrigues, cunning schemes and alliances of despotisms, would vanish into thin air 
before the march of a free, united, and virtuous people. Have we the wisdom to direct our 
strength in the fuUilnient of so exalted a mission ? In the foar of God, in the love of justice, 
and in works of righteousnees ; by a sacred regard for the rights and interests of each other ; 
by cultivating the spirit of good will and fraternal afloction, we can achieve this glorious 
destiny. iUit should our vices predominate, and those who now have the power cling to 
it with ft purpose of oppression, the end draws near when we shall, yielding to the mad 
impulses of passion, divide and devour each other — bid discord reign supreme, and rush 
heaillong to destruction. Sir, in conclusion, I earnestly invoke the States of the Union to 
ft consideration of this important subject, with an ardent hope that some remedy may be 
provided to protect, preserve, and i>frpetua»e our liberties. 



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